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Because scribes were unsatisfied with the abrupt ending of the Gospel of Mark, they wrote several different alternative endings for it. In the "shorter ending", which is found in very few manuscripts, the women go to "those around Peter" and tell them what they had seen at the tomb, followed by a brief declaration of the gospel being preached from east to west. This "very forced" ending contradicts the last verse of the original gospel, stating that the women "told no one". The "longer ending", which is found in most surviving manuscripts, is an "amalgam of traditions" containing episodes derived from the other gospels. First, it describes an appearance by Jesus to Mary Magdalene alone (as in the Gospel of John), followed by brief descriptions of him appearing to the two disciples on the road to Emmaus (as in the Gospel of Luke) and to the eleven remaining disciples (as in the Gospel of Matthew).
The Gospel of Mary is the only surviving apocryphal text named after a woman. It contains information about the role of women in the early church. The text was probably written over a century after the historical Mary Magdalene's death. The text is not attributed to her and its author is anonymous. Instead, it received its title because it is about her. The main surviving text comes from a Coptic translation preserved in a fifth-century manuscript (Berolinensis Gnosticus 8052,1) discovered in Cairo in 1896. As a result of numerous intervening conflicts, the manuscript was not published until 1955. Roughly half the text of the gospel in this manuscript has been lost; the first six pages and four from the middle are missing. In addition to this Coptic translation, two brief third-century fragments of the gospel in the original Greek (P. Rylands 463 and P. Oxyrhynchus 3525) have also been discovered, which were published in 1938 and 1983 respectively.
In Pope Gregory's interpretation, the seven demons expelled from Mary Magdalene by Jesus are transformed into the seven deadly sins of medieval Catholicism, leading Mary "to be condemned not only for lust, but for pride and covetousness as well." The aspect of the repentant sinner became almost equally significant as the disciple in her persona as depicted in Western art and religious literature, fitting well with the great importance of penitence in medieval theology. In subsequent religious legend, Mary's story became conflated with that of Mary of Egypt, a repentant prostitute who then lived as a hermit. With that, Mary's image was, according to Susan Haskins, author of Mary Magdalene: Myth and Metaphor, "finally settled...for nearly fourteen hundred years," although in fact the most important late medieval popular accounts of her life describe her as a rich woman whose life of sexual freedom is purely for pleasure. This composite depiction of Mary Magdalene was carried into the Mass texts for her feast day: in the Tridentine Mass, the collect explicitly identifies her as Mary of Bethany by describing Lazarus as her brother, and the Gospel is the story of the penitent woman anointing Jesus' feet.
Also they [the Cathars] teach in their secret meetings that Mary Magdalene was the wife of Christ. She was the Samaritan woman to whom He said, "Call thy husband". She was the woman taken into adultery, whom Christ set free lest the Jews stone her, and she was with Him in three places, in the temple, at the well, and in the garden. After the Resurrection, He appeared first to her.
Mary Magdalene at the foot of the cross during the Crucifixion appears in an eleventh-century English manuscript "as an expressional device rather than a historical motif", intended as "the expression of an emotional assimilation of the event, that leads the spectator to identify himself with the mourners". Other isolated depictions occur, but, from the thirteenth century, additions to the Virgin Mary and John as the spectators at the Crucifixion become more common, with Mary Magdalene as the most frequently found, either kneeling at the foot of the cross clutching the shaft, sometimes kissing Christ's feet, or standing, usually at the left and behind Mary and John, with her arms stretched upwards towards Christ in a gesture of grief, as in a damaged painting by Cimabue in the upper church at Assisi of c. 1290. A kneeling Magdalene by Giotto in the Scrovegni Chapel (c. 1305) was especially influential. As Gothic painted crucifixions became crowded compositions, the Magdalene became a prominent figure, with a halo and identifiable by her long unbound blonde hair, and usually a bright red dress. As the swooning Virgin Mary became more common, generally occupying the attention of John, the unrestrained gestures of Magdalene increasingly represented the main display of the grief of the spectators.
In 1998, Ramon K. Jusino proposed an unprecedented argument that the "Beloved Disciple" of the Gospel of John is Mary Magdalene. Jusino based his argument largely on the Nag Hammadi Gnostic books, rejecting the view of Raymond E. Brown that these books were later developments, and maintaining instead that the extant Gospel of John is the result of modification of an earlier text that presented Mary Magdalene as the Beloved Disciple. The gospel, at least in its current form, clearly and consistently identifies the disciple as having masculine gender, only ever referring to him using words inflected in the masculine. There are no textual variants in extant New Testament manuscripts to contradict this, and thus no physical evidence of this hypothetical earlier document. Richard J. Hooper does not make the Jusino thesis his own, but says: "Perhaps we should not altogether reject the possibility that some Johannine Christians considered Mary Magdalene to be 'the disciple whom Jesus loved'." Esther A. de Boer likewise presents the idea as "one possibility among others", not as a definitive solution to the problem of the identity of the anonymous disciple. There is a theological interpretation of Mary as the Magdala, The Elegant Tower and certain churches honor her as a heroine of the faith in their teachings.
Reviewed by: George Herbert's "Holy Patterns": Reforming Individuals in Community Jeffrey Powers-Beck Greg Miller , George Herbert's "Holy Patterns": Reforming Individuals in Community. New York: Continuum, 2007. 174 pp. $115.00 cloth. Greg Miller's George Herbert's "Holy Patterns" treats various topics in George Herbert's life, social networks, poetry, and other writings. The topics include Herbert's Latin poems for his mother in Memoriae Matris Sacrum; the art and symbolism of the Herbert family tomb in St. Nicholas Church in Montgomery, Wales; the Williams manuscript of Herbert's poetry and its connections to the Ferrar family's circulation of coterie manuscripts; the religious themes of The Winding Sheet, a Little Gidding dialogue, and its affinity to Herbert's mixture of providential and prudential thinking; the poet's long and close relations with Francis Lord Bacon, and their similar concepts of truth, disinterestedness, and friendship; Herbert's imaginative response to Judaism in his poetry; and the "poetics of unending conversion" that preserves the individual poetic voice within the communal framework of the lyrics of The Temple. Reciting this list makes the book sound like a collection of assorted essays from a group of Herbert scholars, but it is instead the work of a single author, a literary historian straining to bring these scattered tesserae together into a mosaic of the poet's social but individual art.
The third and fourth chapters examine Herbert's connections with the Ferrars and the Little Gidding community. In chapter three, noting that the poet and the Ferrars shared an interest in the Virginia Company, Miller posits that Herbert assembled the Williams manuscript for a coterie audience, a small circle like Little Gidding. Miller describes this special audience for the Williams manuscript as neither "fully public or private," but as a careful group of like-minded friends and family (p. 43). He goes on to suggest that the Williams manuscript is a better indicator of Herbert's intentions for coterie transmission than the Bodleian manuscript, and that a now-lost text with similarities to the William manuscript was behind the 1633 printing of The Temple at Cambridge. While Miller admits that this is speculation, he does assemble convincing evidence that the Williams manuscript presents "a glimpse of a poet sharing the process of transformation with a community through...
The collection was further enhanced by donations through the 17th and 18th centuries, such as those of William Laud, Sir Kenelm Digby, and Elias Ashmole. The 19th and early 20th centuries brought further opportunities for acquisitions, notably of books belonging to Francis Douce and Matteo Luigi Canonici. The priorities and interests of such collectors have determined the manuscripts surviving in the Bodleian as much as their medieval creators.
Thanks to the generosity of the William Delafield Charitable Trust, Brasenose College has been able to digitize some of its collection of 18th century maps showing College estates across England. More will be digitized in the future, and the College also hopes to include more of its extraordinary manuscript and archive collections.
The College has extensive special collections with material dating from the 12th to the 20th centuries. The collection of early printed books includes 75 incunables and other rare works, some thought to be unique to Exeter College. There are more than 200 manuscripts, 86 of which are medieval.
Exeter College is seeking to digitize and make accessible its special collections, starting with the College collection of medieval manuscripts, as well as some important later material and items from its archive. In 2018, the College digitized the 14th century Psalter of Humphrey de Bohun, which served as the prayer book to two English Queens, Elizabeth of York and Katherine of Aragon. 2b1af7f3a8